Censorship is practiced by those who have to silence their 
opponents.  Censorship is practiced by those who know they’re wrong.  
Censorship is the negation of the Human mind.  Censorship reduces Human Beings to mere animals.  As rational thought is 
necessary to living a Human life the censor, and those who demand it, 
are Enemies of Mankind.
The Tripwire
by
D. van Oort & J.F.A. Davidson
From The Resister 
"How
 we burned in the prison camps later thinking: What would things have 
been like if every security operative, when he went out at night to make
 an arrest, had been uncertain whether he would return alive?"-- 
Alexander Solzhenitzyn, Gulag Archipelago
What would be the 
tripwire resulting in open rebellion? Examining the Bill of Rights, and 
considering EXISTING laws only, and not failed attempts, you will find 
that every clause has been violated to one degree or another.
Documenting
 those violations would fill volumes, and it is important to remember 
that only government can violate the exercise of unalienable individual 
rights and claim immunity from retribution. We omit martial law or 
public suspension of the Constitution as a tripwire. The overnight 
installation of dictatorship obviously would qualify as "the tripwire," 
but is not likely to occur. What has occurred, what is occurring, is the
 implementation of every aspect of such dictatorship without an overt 
declaration. The Constitution is being killed by attrition. The 
Communist Manifesto is being installed by accretion. Any suggestion that
 martial law is the tripwire leads us to the question: what aspect of 
martial law justifies the first shot?
For much the same reason, 
we will leave out mass executions of the Waco variety. For one thing, 
they are composite abuses of numerous individual rights. Yet, among 
those abuses, the real tripwire may exist. For another, those events are
 shrouded in a fog of obfuscation and outright lies. Any rebellion must 
be based on extremely hard and known facts. Similarly, no rebellion will
 succeed if its fundamental reasons for occurring are not explicitly 
identified. Those reasons cannot be explicitly identified if, in place 
of their identification, we simply point to a composite such as Waco and
 say, "See, that's why; figure it out." Any suggestion that more Wacos, 
in and of themselves, would be the tripwire, simply leads us back again 
to the question: what aspect of them justifies rebellion?
For the
 same reasons, we leave out a detailed account of Ayn Rand's 
identification of the four essential characteristics of tyranny. She 
identified them quite correctly, but together they are just another 
composite from which we must choose precipitating causes. These 
characteristics are: one-party rule, executions without trial for 
political offenses, expropriation or nationalisation of private 
property, and "above all," censorship.
With regard to the first 
characteristic of tyranny, what is the real difference between the 
Fabian socialist Republican Party and the overtly [Bolshevik] socialist 
Democratic Party? Nothing but time. Regarding the second we have the 
FBI's Hostage Rescue Team and the ATF's enforcement branch. In action 
they simply avoid the embarrassment of a trial. Regarding the third, we 
have asset forfeiture "laws," the IRS, the EPA, the FCC, the FDA, the 
Federal Reserve, the Justice Department's Antitrust Division, and a 
myriad of other executive branch agencies, departments, and commissions 
whose sole function is to regulate business and the economy. Regulating 
business for the common good (fascism) is no different in principle than
 outright nationalisation (communism).
However, the fourth 
characteristic of tyranny, censorship, is the obvious primary tripwire. 
When ideology and the reporting of facts and how-to instructions are 
forbidden, there is nothing remaining but to fight. Freedom of speech 
and persuasion -- the freedom to attempt to rationally convince willing 
listeners -- is so fundamental an individual right that without it no 
other rights, not even the existence of rights, can be enforced, 
claimed, debated, or even queried.
Does this censorship include 
the regulation of the "public" airwaves by the FCC, as in the censorship
 which prohibits tobacco companies from advertising -- in their own 
defense -- on the same medium which is commanded by government decree to
 carry "public service" propaganda against them? Does it include federal
 compulsion of broadcasters to air politically-correct twaddle for "The 
Children"? Does it include the Orwellian "Communications Decency Act"? 
Does it include any irrationalist "sexual harassment" or tribalist "hate
 speech" laws which prohibit certain spoken words among co-workers? The 
answer: unequivocally yes.
Although the above do not pertain to 
ideological or political speech, yet they are censorship and are 
designed to intimidate people into the acceptance of de facto 
censorship. We say that any abrogation of free speech, and any form of 
censorship, which cannot be rectified by the soap box, the ballot box, 
or the jury box, must be rectified by the cartridge box -- or lost 
forever.
Americans have been stumbling over tripwires justifying 
overt resistance for well over 130 years. On one hand, we submit that 
gun confiscation is a secondary tripwire only. It is second to 
censorship because if speech is illegal we cannot even discuss the 
repeal of gun control, or any other population controls. If only guns 
are illegal, we may still convince people to repeal those laws. On the 
other hand, gun confiscation may be a sufficient tripwire because the 
primary one, censorship, can be fully implemented only after the 
citizenry has been disarmed.
Resistance, in the context of this 
article, means those legitimate acts by individuals which compel 
government to restrict its activities and authority to those powers 
delegated to the Congress by the people in the Constitution.
The 
distinction to be drawn here is that the objective of patriotic 
resistance is to restore original Constitutional government, not change 
the form of government. To this end we believe: The enforcement of any 
laws -- local, state, or federal -- that through the action or inaction 
of the courts makes nugatory the individual means of resisting tyranny, 
justifies resistance.
The operative terms of the above statement 
are the parameters that must be defined and understood if resistance to 
tyranny and despotism is to be honourable, and for the cause of 
individual liberty, rather than anarchy resulting from a new gang of 
tyrants. Rebellion can never be justified so long as objective means of 
redress are available, which are themselves not subverted or rendered 
impotent by further or parallel subjective legislation.
The goal 
of patriots throughout the country must be the restoration of objective 
constitutional law and order. The failure to enforce a subjective law 
(i.e. the Communications Decency Act) does not justify that law 
existing, but it also does not justify resistance. This is because 
non-enforcement leaves avenues of redress, including the forbidden 
activity itself, still available. Should a lower court uphold or ignore a
 case that challenges subjective law, peaceable means of redress are 
still open by higher or lateral courts in another jurisdiction.
However,
 should the U.S. Supreme Court uphold subjective laws, or refuse to hear
 the cases challenging them, then the legislative, executive, and 
judicial branches have all failed to guarantee individual liberty, from 
the widest principles to the smallest details. A single refusal by the 
highest court in the land to overturn a whim-based subjective law, or to
 refuse to hear the case, is sufficient to justify resistance to that 
law because there is simply nowhere left to turn for further attempts at
 redress. At such time nobody is morally bound by that law. Tyranny gets
 one chance per branch.
America is either a constitutional republic 
or it is not. If we can restore our republic it will ultimately occur 
through reason, and reason will then lead our representatives to make 
unconstitutional those laws which, by any objective standard of justice,
 should have never been considered in the first place. However, we 
cannot assert our claim to restore our liberty if we but accede to a 
single socialist construct. Freedom and serfdom cannot coexist. We 
cannot have it both ways.
Life, and the means to preserve it, 
cannot coexist with disarmament. Liberty, and its rational exercise, 
cannot coexist with subjective constraints. Property, and its 
acquisition, use, and disposal cannot coexist with expropriation. The 
federal government's first task is to obey the Constitution. It has 
refused. Our first task as free men is to force the government to obey 
it again. The Constitution of the United States of America is a 
constraint on the federal government, not on the individual.
Likewise,
 the constitutions of the various states are constraints on the state 
governments, not on the individual. The Constitution contains many 
provisions allowing the violation of our natural rights as free men by 
immoral and unethical men in government. The true heroes of the 
ratification debates were the Anti-federalists, who secured Federalist 
guarantees that the Bill of Rights would amend the Constitution.
To
 their undying credit, the Federalists lived up to their promise. 
Nevertheless, only after constitutional limitations on government have 
been restored in their original form can we consider amending the 
Constitution to redress its very few remaining defects (for example, the
 absence of a separation of state and the economy clause).
Laws 
that make nugatory the means of resisting tyranny and despotism 
determine the tripwire. The creeping legislative erosion of the 2nd 
Amendment is not the only tripwire that justifies resistance. We submit 
that any gun control is a secondary tripwire. Not only because it can be
 effortlessly evaded, but also because it strengthens our cause. It is 
second only to censorship. If speech is illegal we can discuss neither 
repeal of gun control, or the repeal of any other unconstitutional 
"law."
Censorship is not a tripwire, it is THE tripwire. Thus, by default, censorship morally justifies rebellion.
Under
 censorship, no other rights, including the right to be free from 
censorship, can be advocated, discussed, or queried. It is incorrect to 
say that after censorship comes utter subjugation. Censorship is utter 
subjugation. There is no greater usurpation of liberty while remaining 
alive. After censorship come the death camps, and they are not a 
prerequisite of censorship, they are merely a symptom of it. Censorship 
qua censorship is sufficient in itself to justify open rebellion against
 any government that legislates, enforces, or upholds it.
However,
 that is not the half of it. Censorship is alone in being the only 
violation of individual rights that does not require actual enforcement 
or challenges in court, before rebellion is justified. When the 
government forbids you to speak or write, or use your own or a 
supporter's property to address willing listeners or readers, that 
government has openly and forcibly declared that the art of peaceful 
persuasion is dead and will not be tolerated. Upon that very instant, 
all peaceful avenues of redress have been closed and the only possible 
method of regaining that liberty is force. Whenever we give up that 
force, we are not only ruined, we deserve to be ruined.
Censorship
 is already being "legally" imposed through accretion by compromisers, 
appeasers, and pragmatists within government at all levels. Note the 
demands by "progressive" organisations and self-appointed "civil rights"
 groups to ban so-called "hate" speech (they mean thought and debate), 
or "extreme" language (they mean principled dissent), or "paramilitary" 
books (they mean the knowledge of how to resist). When our government 
imposes censorship, it will be because our ability to use force to 
resist censorship no longer exists. Buying copies of The Resister is not
 yet prohibited; buying machine guns already is. Unwarranted search for 
unlicensed books has not yet occurred; unwarranted search for unlicensed
 weapons has already begun. As your unalienable right of peaceable 
discussion and dissent is being daily abridged, your right to peaceably 
assemble and associate in advocacy of your own self-defence, according 
to your own free will, has already been outlawed (courtesy of ADL's 
"model" anti-militia legislation).
Unconstitutional federal 
agencies now arm themselves with weapons that you may not own, and train
 in tactics that you are prohibited from mastering. Before a government 
is sure you won't resist, it will make sure you can't resist.
The
 most irrational, contradictory, short-range, whimsical notion possible 
to men who claim the unalienable right to resist tyrannical government 
is the notion that they must first let their ability to resist be 
stripped from them before they have the right to use it. This is the 
argument of so-called conservatives who pish-tosh the notion of 
legislative "slippery-slopes," and sycophantic adherents of a supreme 
Court that has no constitutionally delegated authority to interpret the 
Constitution in the first place. We reject the notion of mindless 
compliance with subjective "laws." Subjective laws must be resisted on 
metaphysical and epistemological principles, moral and ethical grounds, 
and on constitutional and historical precedence.
No rational man 
desires ends without means. No rational man can be faced with his own 
imminent subjugation and truly believe that, once things are as bad as 
they can get, "sometime" "someone" will do "something" "somehow" to 
counteract that trend. Any man who counsels another to appeal to those 
mystical equivalents of "divine intervention" for "deliverance" from 
tyranny is our enemy by all principles conceivable within the scope of 
rational human intelligence.
The time to organise resistance is 
not after censorship, but before it. The time to prepare resistance is 
when our ability to resist is being threatened. The time to begin 
resistance is when that threat has been upheld or ignored by the courts.
 The unalienable rights that safeguard our ability to resist are limited
 to those which, if not violated, allow us to plan and use all materials
 necessary for resistance. We submit that only the following meet that 
criteria: freedom of speech and of the press, and the right to peaceably
 assemble--so that we may advocate ideas, report and discuss news, and 
instruct others how to carry out resistance activities (1st Amendment); 
the right to keep and bear arms -- so that we may have appropriate force
 in our hands should we need it, and be trained to use such force as 
necessary (2nd Amendment); the right to be let alone -- so that we may 
be free of government intrusion in our lives, liberty, and property (3rd
 Amendment)); the right to be secure in our persons, dwellings, papers, 
and property from unwarranted, unaffirmed searches and seizures -- so 
that our records, ideological materials, and weapons will remain in our 
hands (4th Amendment).
For the purpose of this discussion, we 
believe that no other rights are relevant because if every individual 
right other than those four were violated -- although it would be an 
unspeakably evil act on the part of the government, justifying immediate
 and unforgiving resistance -- their abridgement would not effect our 
ability to resist. If any of the first four amendments are infringed by 
legislation, enforced by executive power, and their abrogation is upheld
 or ignored by the courts, unremitting, forcible resistance, and aid and
 comfort to its citizen-soldiers, is a moral imperative for every single
 person who believes that life, liberty, and property are unalienable 
and self-existing, and not grants of government privilege.
"The United States should get rid of its militias." -- Josef Stalin, 1933
"The
 foundation of a free government begins to be undermined when freedom of
 speech on political subjects is restrained; it is destroyed when 
freedom of speech is wholly denied." -- William Rawle, LL.D. 
Philadelphia, 1825
"Laws that forbid the carrying of arms ... 
disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit 
crimes ... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for 
the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent 
homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence 
than an armed man." -- Thomas Jefferson (1764) -- Quoting 18th Century 
criminologist Cesare Beccaria in On Crimes and Punishment